What better way to celebrate Columbus
Day than with a post about taking other people's land? We're talking
about the Takings Clause today, and a case that you may recall being
in the news, Kelo v. City of New London.
545 U.S. 469 (2005).1
The
Takings Clause refers to a portion of the Fifth Amendment to the
Constitution, which states that “public property [shall not] be
taken for public use, without just compensation.” U.S. Const.
amend. V The Takings Clause provides for “eminent domain” which
“refers to the state's prerogative to seize private property,
dispossess its owner, and assume full legal right and title to it in
the name of some ostensible public good.” Jed Rubenfeld, Usings
102 Yale L.J. 1077, 1081-94 (1993).
Think
of it this way. The drafters of the Constitution were a little like
cats, with regard to property. Those of you with cats can do an
experiment to understand how the Takings Clause works. (Note: The
Purrdict is not responsible for any injuries incurred from attempting
this experiment. Follow all safety precautions, including long
sleeves, gloves, and a mask before proceeding). To begin, you will
need a cat, a full bowl of kibble, and a crown. With the crown on
your head, attempt to move the cat's bowl. I suggest sliding it to
another part of the floor, if not taking it away all together. That
growl you heard is something akin to the feline Declaration of
Independence. If you got swiped at, you truly understand the purpose
of the Takings Clause. Now, take the crown off, and, while taking
away the bowl of kibble, replace it with a bowl of wet food. The cat
may have given you a scornful look, but probably proceeded to eat the
new food. You are the American government. You have “taken” the
cat's food, but have replaced it with “just compensation.”
The
missing element in this example is the element of “public use.”
The idea is that the government can't just take away the cat's food,
even if the cat is compensated, unless the taking will have a public
purpose.
What
is a legitimate public purpose? The Supreme Court tackled this
question in Kelo,
and either decided it, or made a mess of it akin to what I do with
Human Female's knitting while she sleeps.
Kelo
arose out of the city of New London, in Connecticut. 545 U.S. 469
(2005). New London had housed a Naval Undersea Warfare Center, which
the government closed in 1996. Id. A state agency designated New
London a “distressed municipality” in 1990. Id. By 1998, “the
City's unemployment rate was nearly double that of the State, and its
population of just under 24,000 residents was at its lowest since
1920.” Id. The State of Connecticut had assigned a non-profit,
the New London Development Corporation to plan “economic
development.” Id. The pharmaceutical company Pfizer, Inc.
announced that it had plans to build a research facility in the area
that the NLDC was working on. Id. Hoping to capitalize on Pfizer's
influence in the area, the NLDC exercised the rights of eminent
domain that the State had delegated to it, and took parcels of
private property, compensating the owners. Id. The plan was to
create “office and retail space, parking, and water-dependent
commercial uses” along with a river-walk. Id. The City determined
that the plan would create tax-revenue, jobs, and recreational
facilities for the community. Id.
As
part of the plan, the NLDC took the homes of Susette Kelo, Wilhelmina
Dery and Charles Dery. Id. Wilhelmina had been born in her house in
1918, and her husband had lived there since their marriage, nearly 60
years before. Id. They were not contesting that the amount of
compensation they received was unfair, but challenged the state's
right to take their homes at all. Id.
There
are three permutations that can give rise to public use. See Id.
dissent. The first two are pretty clear. See id. First, if the
state takes private land and gives it to a public entity, for example
to build a “road, a hospital, or a military base” there is a
public use. See id. If the state takes private land and gives it to
a private entity for something that will have a widespread public
benefit, the Supreme Court has held that there is a legitimate public
use consistent with the Takings Clause. See id. The Kelo
case, however, fell into a third category: private land taken and
given to a private company for private benefit and private use.
There
was some precedent for the constitutionality of takings in this third
category. In Berman v. Parker,
a neighborhood of Washington, D.C. Had become so “blighted” that
“64.3% of its dwellings were beyond repair,” and the “lack of
adequate streets and alleys,” and “lack of light and air” had
resulted in the neighborhood becoming “injurious to the public
health, safety, morals and welfare.” Id. Citing 348 U.S. 26 (1954).
The Court held that the government's taking of the neighborhood was
constitutional. In Hawaii Housing Authority v. Midkiff, the State of
Hawaii instituted a land redistribution plan in which title was
transferred from lessors to lessees in order to repair a situation in
which the "State and Federal governments owned nearly 49% of the
State's land, and another 47% was in the hands of only 72 private
landowners.” Id. citing 467 U.,S. 229 (1984). In the State's
determination, there existed an “oligopoly” that was “skewing
the State's residential fee simple market, inflating land prices, and
injuring the public tranquility and welfare.” Id. The Court held
that the redistribution plan was constitutional. Id.
The
homeowners argued that a purely economic benefit to the City could
not constitute a public use, but the majority of the Court disagreed,
holding that the City of New London had acted properly and
constitutionally. Id. The majority decided that the NLDC plan was
like those in Berman
and Midkiff. Id.
The Court held that promoting the economy of the area did in fact
constitute a public use. Id.
The
dissenters on the Court, and Justice Sandra Day O'Connor in
particular, took issue with the holding. Justice O'Connor wrote that
“[u]nder the banner of economic development, all private property
is now vulnerable to being taken and transferred to another private
owner, so long as it might be upgraded—i.e., given to an owner who
will use it in a way that the legislature deems more beneficial to
the public-- in the process.” Id. dissent.
To Justice O'Connor,
the Berman and
Midkiff cases were
different from Kelo,
in that the takings in Berman
and Midkiff
eliminated an existing harm, and that there was no harm in Kelo.
Id. The neighborhood of New London in question was not blighted.
The government may have determined that its plan would better the
area, but it was not repairing an already existing harm. Id.
Think
of it this way: imagine that I have a metal food bowl that I'm
particularly attached to. The Humans, playing the part of the
government in this example, find out that my neighbors Fluffy and
Pandora are losing sleep due to the excessive clanging of my bowl.
They take my bowl and replace it with a plastic one. Following
Berman and Midkiff,
they are rectifying a public harm, so taking away my bowl serves a
public use. Now imagine that Fluffy and Pandora couldn't care less
about my bowl, but that the landlord's Jack Russell sells porcelain
bowls. The Humans decide that if they replace my bowl with a
dog-made bowl, the Jack Russell's business will grow, he will make
more money, and will reinvest that money in landscaping the outside
of the building without charging the tenants. The economic benefit
to the tenants constitutes a public use, under Kelo,
but not to Justice O'Connor, because there was no public harm to be
rectified.
Ironically,
in the end, the NLDC plan didn't pay off as the City had hoped. By
2009, the new buildings had not been built. The anticipated revenue
and jobs did not materialize. Also in 2009, Pfizer merged with
another pharmaceutical company and closed the New London plant.
After Hurricane Irene, the land was used to deposit vegetation.
Truly Kelo was a
case with no winners.
It
remains to be seen how the Kelo
decision will play out, but in the meantime, hold on to those food
bowls.
1Unfortunately,
I was unable to find a copy of the decision with the reporter page
numbers, so citations throughout will omit specific pages. If you
have objections to this, let me know and I'll try to get my paws on
a different version.
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